Merkel is tired of being viewed as a sadist bullying the eurozone. But her political convictions won't let her change course
With the eurozone now entering its fourth year of economic crisis, Angela Merkel has become quite used to attacks on her character and smears about her politics. Hitler moustaches are common accessories for protesters wherever the German chancellor travels in southern Europe; Nazi stereotypes are back in fashion to portray her, as is the image of Angela the booted dominatrix, bullying Europe into submission.
And now even her love of the Gulf of Naples and springtime in Italy has been tarnished; her most recent private trip there last month wasn't much of a holiday – paparazzi took pictures not only of her but of her husband's son and grandchildren, who cherish their anonymity. The chancellor was not amused on opening the local papers and finding herself climbing into the Aphrodite thermal spring in a bathing suit. Europe's most powerful politician barely clothed – that's not Merkel's idea of privacy.
Behind closed doors, she admits that she is tired of being branded a money-hoarding sadist, steel-hearted and merciless. But her deep political convictions about the nature of the crisis simply won't allow her to change course.
The chancellor and her small inner group of advisers constantly question the logic of their strategy for battling the crisis. But Merkel, being an extremely systematic thinker, always comes up with the same answer: there is no option but to stick to the twin package of incentives and reform in order to bridge the huge gap in competitiveness that lies at the core of the crisis. From her perspective the trouble doesn't necessarily stem from the constraints of austerity. Europe's malaise is that it has a single currency but no comparable unity on fiscal, labour and tax policies. Were she to ease up on the message of austerity, she would also have to relinquish any leverage in getting her ideas of a more cohesive European political union implemented.
In this brutal test of will Merkel is not only under pressure from her peers in the eurozone. Increasingly, the German public is getting frustrated with the stubborn refusal of the crisis to resolve itself. Merkel has to calibrate her message carefully because of elections in September. Even though she might be prepared to accept a grand bargain – relief for debt-ridden countries if Germany gets a politically modernised eurozone in return – this will not be the outcome she wants Germans to be digesting in the weeks ahead of the election. Their patience is wearing thin.
A recent study by the Deutsche Bundesbank demonstrated that, contrary to expectations, private wealth in the crisis-hit southern eurozone countries is much greater than in Germany. It seems the Germans forgot to fill their pockets while credit was cheap.
And don't underestimate the damage done by the constant barrage of Germany-bashing and Nazi comparisons. Being at the centre of the European blame game, and suddenly having to cope with a new semi-hegemonic role, isn't that easy for a nation that was happy to linger in the shadows of history after spending too much time in the blazing sun.
Merkel is constantly weighing up her options. She cautiously tests the strength of the social fabric, domestically and abroad, in case it might begin to tear. Her plan is for a better and more just Europe. Not with Germany at the helm, but with Germany's economic model certainly centre stage. So why is she not putting that message across? Why is her entourage so bad at managing her image, let alone her big plan for Europe?
Even if they could, they don't want to. The chancellor thinks that all necessary arguments are out there. She is tired of repeating her mantra of reform and incentives. She has given major speeches setting out her plan in the Bundestag and in the European parliament. And she refuses to ask for a slot on primetime TV to outline her views once more, for fear of overburdening her voters and raising too many expectations. Getting self-righteous certainly won't make the crisis disappear, and Merkel would undoubtedly be measured against her own words in the future if she chose them rashly. Just as she hates being compared to Margaret Thatcher, even as that leader is eulogised, she dislikes being caught out by her own words.
Neither does Merkel share the huge personal affection for Europe felt by her predecessor Helmut Kohl. Her political education didn't include tearing down border checkpoints between France and Germany. Merkel came into the EU pretty late in her life after spending 35 years behind the iron curtain. She has seen a system collapse, and is deeply convinced that Germany needs a unified Europe, not only to battle the ghosts of history but to help the entire continent survive the great game of globalisation.
This crisis doesn't call for winners and losers, but for give and take on both sides. At some point Germany will have to step up to the plate and chip in more than guarantees for bailout funds. When that moment comes, Merkel will want her own guarantees that the euro will no longer be threatened by bubbles in finance or housing, unbalanced budgets – or timid governments shying away from reforms. Reported by guardian.co.uk 22 hours ago.
With the eurozone now entering its fourth year of economic crisis, Angela Merkel has become quite used to attacks on her character and smears about her politics. Hitler moustaches are common accessories for protesters wherever the German chancellor travels in southern Europe; Nazi stereotypes are back in fashion to portray her, as is the image of Angela the booted dominatrix, bullying Europe into submission.
And now even her love of the Gulf of Naples and springtime in Italy has been tarnished; her most recent private trip there last month wasn't much of a holiday – paparazzi took pictures not only of her but of her husband's son and grandchildren, who cherish their anonymity. The chancellor was not amused on opening the local papers and finding herself climbing into the Aphrodite thermal spring in a bathing suit. Europe's most powerful politician barely clothed – that's not Merkel's idea of privacy.
Behind closed doors, she admits that she is tired of being branded a money-hoarding sadist, steel-hearted and merciless. But her deep political convictions about the nature of the crisis simply won't allow her to change course.
The chancellor and her small inner group of advisers constantly question the logic of their strategy for battling the crisis. But Merkel, being an extremely systematic thinker, always comes up with the same answer: there is no option but to stick to the twin package of incentives and reform in order to bridge the huge gap in competitiveness that lies at the core of the crisis. From her perspective the trouble doesn't necessarily stem from the constraints of austerity. Europe's malaise is that it has a single currency but no comparable unity on fiscal, labour and tax policies. Were she to ease up on the message of austerity, she would also have to relinquish any leverage in getting her ideas of a more cohesive European political union implemented.
In this brutal test of will Merkel is not only under pressure from her peers in the eurozone. Increasingly, the German public is getting frustrated with the stubborn refusal of the crisis to resolve itself. Merkel has to calibrate her message carefully because of elections in September. Even though she might be prepared to accept a grand bargain – relief for debt-ridden countries if Germany gets a politically modernised eurozone in return – this will not be the outcome she wants Germans to be digesting in the weeks ahead of the election. Their patience is wearing thin.
A recent study by the Deutsche Bundesbank demonstrated that, contrary to expectations, private wealth in the crisis-hit southern eurozone countries is much greater than in Germany. It seems the Germans forgot to fill their pockets while credit was cheap.
And don't underestimate the damage done by the constant barrage of Germany-bashing and Nazi comparisons. Being at the centre of the European blame game, and suddenly having to cope with a new semi-hegemonic role, isn't that easy for a nation that was happy to linger in the shadows of history after spending too much time in the blazing sun.
Merkel is constantly weighing up her options. She cautiously tests the strength of the social fabric, domestically and abroad, in case it might begin to tear. Her plan is for a better and more just Europe. Not with Germany at the helm, but with Germany's economic model certainly centre stage. So why is she not putting that message across? Why is her entourage so bad at managing her image, let alone her big plan for Europe?
Even if they could, they don't want to. The chancellor thinks that all necessary arguments are out there. She is tired of repeating her mantra of reform and incentives. She has given major speeches setting out her plan in the Bundestag and in the European parliament. And she refuses to ask for a slot on primetime TV to outline her views once more, for fear of overburdening her voters and raising too many expectations. Getting self-righteous certainly won't make the crisis disappear, and Merkel would undoubtedly be measured against her own words in the future if she chose them rashly. Just as she hates being compared to Margaret Thatcher, even as that leader is eulogised, she dislikes being caught out by her own words.
Neither does Merkel share the huge personal affection for Europe felt by her predecessor Helmut Kohl. Her political education didn't include tearing down border checkpoints between France and Germany. Merkel came into the EU pretty late in her life after spending 35 years behind the iron curtain. She has seen a system collapse, and is deeply convinced that Germany needs a unified Europe, not only to battle the ghosts of history but to help the entire continent survive the great game of globalisation.
This crisis doesn't call for winners and losers, but for give and take on both sides. At some point Germany will have to step up to the plate and chip in more than guarantees for bailout funds. When that moment comes, Merkel will want her own guarantees that the euro will no longer be threatened by bubbles in finance or housing, unbalanced budgets – or timid governments shying away from reforms. Reported by guardian.co.uk 22 hours ago.