The French president was elected to tackle the economic and social crises, but now most people don't think he's up to the job
François Hollande professes to be a perennial optimist. When he was elected to the Elysée, the economic and social crisis in France was already dire, but he bet publicly on an upturn by this year. Bad luck.
For all his government oratory and new regulations, unemployment keeps rising, the goal to downsize public debt to 3% of GDP has been abandoned, fiscal pressure has reached unprecedented heights, and more cuts have to be made in public spending. The president's most symbolic measure, the 75% tax on the very high salaries, has been cancelled as illegal, only to be replaced soon by a 66% tax, which irritates the rich without satisfying their enemies.
For long the most depressed nation in Europe, the French are reluctantly bracing for worse. But they don't seem to think their president and his prime minister are up to the job. Hollande's and Jean-Marc Ayrault's approval rates have plummeted to an all-time low after 10 months in office – about 30%.
At the same time, Nicolas Sarkozy's star is rising again – at least among conservatives. Not only does his wife, Carla Bruni, sing his praises in a new album, but the former president has taken advantage of the internal fights within his own party to appear as the only possible candidate for the next presidential contest in 2017. Unable to stick to his vow of political abstinence, he has been criticising and mocking his successor in front of his many visitors as if there were not another four years to go.
Last week, two thunderstorms hit the French political landscape right and left. Sarkozy was formally placed under investigation on charges of exploiting the frailty of the country's richest woman to finance his 2007 campaign. Contesting the independence of the investigative judge, his friends and allies indignantly railed against what they see as a manoeuvre to prevent him from returning fully to political life. Sarkozy will appeal, but could well be entangled in a legal process that might take years to unravel.
There are other matters in which the former president, no longer protected by immunity, may have to provide answers. Last week, the Paris flat of Christine Lagarde, his former finance minister and current IMF chief, was raided by the police as part of an investigation into a huge compensation deal granted a few years ago to a controversial business tycoon. Sarkozy is rumoured to have favoured the deal.
On the left, Jérôme Cahuzac, the budget minister, one of the few stars of the government – brilliant, eloquent and brutal as befitted the man in charge of imposing harsh cuts on his colleagues and higher taxes on the French – had to hand in his resignation. He has been accused of having illegally held bank accounts in Switzerland and in Singapore, allegedly to hide money from the French tax authorities. Unbearable suspicion for anyone in public office. So, for the champion of fiscal duress, the vilifier of tax exiles, the boot seems to be pretty much on the other foot.
For all his denials, he had to quit when the public prosecutor's office in Paris launched a formal investigation. The Elysée was obviously prepared. Bernard Cazeneuve, formerly minister for European affairs, was immediately put in charge.
For all its claims of moral integrity, the Socialist party has been harmed, and the president weakened. There is growing criticism, even inside the Elysée, about Hollande's indecisiveness, his tendency to listen to everybody without speaking his mind, his obsession – dating back to his days as party boss – with trying to placate all sides rather than impose a strategy.
A divided majority, the main opposition party with no real leader, scandals hitting the political and financial elites in a time of economic and social hardship: a year away from local and European elections, Marine Le Pen's extreme right Front National is a clear winner.
The Elysée is worried. On Thursday, Hollande will give a long television interview to try and convince the French that, for all their doubts, he has a clear, decisive vision of what to do for the country. A few weeks ago, the concern among his advisers was that the president was not speaking enough. Now that he does every other day on all issues – like his predecessor, Sarkozy, but in a more normal manner – the issue is that the French may no longer want to listen. Reported by guardian.co.uk 54 minutes ago.
François Hollande professes to be a perennial optimist. When he was elected to the Elysée, the economic and social crisis in France was already dire, but he bet publicly on an upturn by this year. Bad luck.
For all his government oratory and new regulations, unemployment keeps rising, the goal to downsize public debt to 3% of GDP has been abandoned, fiscal pressure has reached unprecedented heights, and more cuts have to be made in public spending. The president's most symbolic measure, the 75% tax on the very high salaries, has been cancelled as illegal, only to be replaced soon by a 66% tax, which irritates the rich without satisfying their enemies.
For long the most depressed nation in Europe, the French are reluctantly bracing for worse. But they don't seem to think their president and his prime minister are up to the job. Hollande's and Jean-Marc Ayrault's approval rates have plummeted to an all-time low after 10 months in office – about 30%.
At the same time, Nicolas Sarkozy's star is rising again – at least among conservatives. Not only does his wife, Carla Bruni, sing his praises in a new album, but the former president has taken advantage of the internal fights within his own party to appear as the only possible candidate for the next presidential contest in 2017. Unable to stick to his vow of political abstinence, he has been criticising and mocking his successor in front of his many visitors as if there were not another four years to go.
Last week, two thunderstorms hit the French political landscape right and left. Sarkozy was formally placed under investigation on charges of exploiting the frailty of the country's richest woman to finance his 2007 campaign. Contesting the independence of the investigative judge, his friends and allies indignantly railed against what they see as a manoeuvre to prevent him from returning fully to political life. Sarkozy will appeal, but could well be entangled in a legal process that might take years to unravel.
There are other matters in which the former president, no longer protected by immunity, may have to provide answers. Last week, the Paris flat of Christine Lagarde, his former finance minister and current IMF chief, was raided by the police as part of an investigation into a huge compensation deal granted a few years ago to a controversial business tycoon. Sarkozy is rumoured to have favoured the deal.
On the left, Jérôme Cahuzac, the budget minister, one of the few stars of the government – brilliant, eloquent and brutal as befitted the man in charge of imposing harsh cuts on his colleagues and higher taxes on the French – had to hand in his resignation. He has been accused of having illegally held bank accounts in Switzerland and in Singapore, allegedly to hide money from the French tax authorities. Unbearable suspicion for anyone in public office. So, for the champion of fiscal duress, the vilifier of tax exiles, the boot seems to be pretty much on the other foot.
For all his denials, he had to quit when the public prosecutor's office in Paris launched a formal investigation. The Elysée was obviously prepared. Bernard Cazeneuve, formerly minister for European affairs, was immediately put in charge.
For all its claims of moral integrity, the Socialist party has been harmed, and the president weakened. There is growing criticism, even inside the Elysée, about Hollande's indecisiveness, his tendency to listen to everybody without speaking his mind, his obsession – dating back to his days as party boss – with trying to placate all sides rather than impose a strategy.
A divided majority, the main opposition party with no real leader, scandals hitting the political and financial elites in a time of economic and social hardship: a year away from local and European elections, Marine Le Pen's extreme right Front National is a clear winner.
The Elysée is worried. On Thursday, Hollande will give a long television interview to try and convince the French that, for all their doubts, he has a clear, decisive vision of what to do for the country. A few weeks ago, the concern among his advisers was that the president was not speaking enough. Now that he does every other day on all issues – like his predecessor, Sarkozy, but in a more normal manner – the issue is that the French may no longer want to listen. Reported by guardian.co.uk 54 minutes ago.