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Immigration: the wrong fight | Editorial

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Attitudes to migration in the UK are quite out of line with the level of concern in the rest of Europe

Last weekend, in a referendum on quotas for migrants who make up around one in four of their population, the Swiss came out by a tiny majority of less than 1% in favour. Despite the slender margin, Ukip and Eurosceptic Tories who have used the unquestionable anxiety about mass migration to drum up hostility to the EU will be heartened. Expect to hear them point to the Swiss relationship with Europe – not a member of the EU but within the passport-free Schengen travel zone – to argue that the UK could also set its own quotas if it too were out of the EU.

Given the implications, it's no surprise two European commissioners delivered robust warnings of the potential costs of such a course of action. Coinciding with the sudden resignation of the immigration minister, Mark Harper, after he found he'd fallen foul of his own policy of sub-contracting migrant status checks to employers (with doctors, landlords and teachers set to follow) by employing an illegal migrant from South America, this adds up to a much-needed reality alert on the desirability and practicalities of immigration control. But it is also a warning to the EU about the depth of concern.

Attitudes to migration in the UK, as László Andor, the EU commissioner for employment, pointed out in a forceful interview with the Guardian on Monday, are quite out of line with the level of concern in the rest of Europe. They are matched by a lack of confidence in the effectiveness of government action. He blames British politicians for, in his words, "pandering to prejudice and xenophobia".

The EU justice commissioner, Viviane Reding, while sympathetic to the short-term impact of new migrants, also attacked an "emotional and populist" debate, that had "little to do with reality". But the message she wanted to drive home is that the freedoms on which the single market depends include free movement of people, and they come as a non-negotiable package. Switzerland is about to find out what that really means. How it is resolved could have profound implications for the UK's relations with Europe.

Mr Cameron believes he has support elsewhere in Europe for permanent quotas of migrants. There may be anxiety, but it doesn't read across into backing for the treaty revision he needs to be able to offer his party. That is only partly because several of them would be required to hold referendums that they would find hard to win. It is also because no one else wants an argument over a power that, with no new expansion of the EU anticipated for at least 10 years, is irrelevant. Mr Cameron seems intent on getting into a fight that will undermine Britain in Europe and British voters' confidence in government – and one that he can't win. Reported by guardian.co.uk 2 hours ago.

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