The Lib Dem leader has a tricky task: differentiating the party clearly from his Tory partners ahead of the coming elections
Nick Clegg on Sunday marked out the differences with his Tory partners on welfare, immigration and the EU. On welfare cuts, why should the burden be only on the working-age poor through housing benefit curbs or a China-style child benefit limit? Why should rich pensioners get free TV licences and winter fuel payments?
As a former MEP, he highlighted the advantages of the EU's free movement for British citizens, and mocked the latest missive from the 95 Tory MPs who want Westminster to be able to veto unilaterally anything that emerges from the EU. It is another example of British exceptionalism where Tory rightwingers appear to want something that could not possibly become a general rule.
If we were to extend the same right to every national parliament in the EU, the union would fall apart. That was why Margaret Thatcher pushed for majority voting on the single market: if every country could block anything inconvenient to a particular vested interest, there would be no free trade. In Britain, we would lose far more than we would gain.
For those who think that disagreements mar governments, the next year will be shocking. Conservative commentators are already arguing that coalition will paralyse effective decision-taking. Governments, though, always move into pre-election mode, shelving controversial decisions and demonstrating differences with the other lot.
The main difference this time is that the coalition partners are also highlighting differences between themselves, and not just with the opposition. But this is a common feature of the dog days in other European countries, and the world does not end.
I remember a seminar with colleagues from other EU liberal parties at the beginning of this government, and one wise Dutch Liberal spelled out the three phases of coalition. First, there is the love-in as you do things you wanted to do in opposition. Second, there is irritation as partners drag their feet. And third, there is disillusion as you realise why you are not in the same party as your partners, and prepare to fight them again at the ballot box.
Clegg's challenge is to differentiate his party clearly from his Tory partners, starting with the European elections on 17 May. Here the sharp dividing lines on Europe and immigration may help bolster Liberal Democrat support, which will be reflected proportionately in seats. About a fifth of the electorate are instinctively tolerant and internationalist.
When it comes to the general election, Lib Dems will have to take care. They need twice as much support or more in individual constituencies to hold their 57 MPs, and both immigration and Europe are wedge issues that Tory strategist Lynton Crosby and the Conservatives have traditionally used to prise support from the Lib Dems and Labour. It is noticeable how Labour's frontbench is defensively echoing Tory language.
Another trap for the Lib Dems in 2015 is if they are seen merely as a centrist guarantee of sound government, a way of diluting either the Conservatives or Labour. When the principal motivation for Labour and Tory voters is dislike and fear of the other main party – and sadly, negative sentiments have long dominated British voting – merely offering to moderate one or the other just encourages people to vote for the big party they dislike less. If you hate the Tories, you want Labour not Tory-lite. If you hate Labour, you prefer Tories to Labour-lite. Either way, Lib Dems are squeezed, as Paddy Ashdown learned in 1992.
Clegg needs an attractive message that can withstand a nasty, polarised election. One of his emerging lines was clear on Sunday. The first challenge is repairing the economy, now well under way. The second is building a fairer society. His pitch is that the Lib Dems are the only party to marry the two objectives.
Clegg needs a succession of pledges that dramatise his commitment to both prosperity and fairness. The rise in income tax allowances – the biggest single achievement for the Lib Dems in the coalition – is a good start. It should clearly go further, as it is a nonsense to set a minimum wage and then tax people on it.
But the very progress so far means that the promise is less alluring. It is the paradox of reforming parties. The more successful they are, the more their appeal wanes. In the old phrase, the Lib Dems need a "record of action, and the promise of more". Elections are above all about the future, and the message will have to be positive and clear. Reported by guardian.co.uk 5 hours ago.
Nick Clegg on Sunday marked out the differences with his Tory partners on welfare, immigration and the EU. On welfare cuts, why should the burden be only on the working-age poor through housing benefit curbs or a China-style child benefit limit? Why should rich pensioners get free TV licences and winter fuel payments?
As a former MEP, he highlighted the advantages of the EU's free movement for British citizens, and mocked the latest missive from the 95 Tory MPs who want Westminster to be able to veto unilaterally anything that emerges from the EU. It is another example of British exceptionalism where Tory rightwingers appear to want something that could not possibly become a general rule.
If we were to extend the same right to every national parliament in the EU, the union would fall apart. That was why Margaret Thatcher pushed for majority voting on the single market: if every country could block anything inconvenient to a particular vested interest, there would be no free trade. In Britain, we would lose far more than we would gain.
For those who think that disagreements mar governments, the next year will be shocking. Conservative commentators are already arguing that coalition will paralyse effective decision-taking. Governments, though, always move into pre-election mode, shelving controversial decisions and demonstrating differences with the other lot.
The main difference this time is that the coalition partners are also highlighting differences between themselves, and not just with the opposition. But this is a common feature of the dog days in other European countries, and the world does not end.
I remember a seminar with colleagues from other EU liberal parties at the beginning of this government, and one wise Dutch Liberal spelled out the three phases of coalition. First, there is the love-in as you do things you wanted to do in opposition. Second, there is irritation as partners drag their feet. And third, there is disillusion as you realise why you are not in the same party as your partners, and prepare to fight them again at the ballot box.
Clegg's challenge is to differentiate his party clearly from his Tory partners, starting with the European elections on 17 May. Here the sharp dividing lines on Europe and immigration may help bolster Liberal Democrat support, which will be reflected proportionately in seats. About a fifth of the electorate are instinctively tolerant and internationalist.
When it comes to the general election, Lib Dems will have to take care. They need twice as much support or more in individual constituencies to hold their 57 MPs, and both immigration and Europe are wedge issues that Tory strategist Lynton Crosby and the Conservatives have traditionally used to prise support from the Lib Dems and Labour. It is noticeable how Labour's frontbench is defensively echoing Tory language.
Another trap for the Lib Dems in 2015 is if they are seen merely as a centrist guarantee of sound government, a way of diluting either the Conservatives or Labour. When the principal motivation for Labour and Tory voters is dislike and fear of the other main party – and sadly, negative sentiments have long dominated British voting – merely offering to moderate one or the other just encourages people to vote for the big party they dislike less. If you hate the Tories, you want Labour not Tory-lite. If you hate Labour, you prefer Tories to Labour-lite. Either way, Lib Dems are squeezed, as Paddy Ashdown learned in 1992.
Clegg needs an attractive message that can withstand a nasty, polarised election. One of his emerging lines was clear on Sunday. The first challenge is repairing the economy, now well under way. The second is building a fairer society. His pitch is that the Lib Dems are the only party to marry the two objectives.
Clegg needs a succession of pledges that dramatise his commitment to both prosperity and fairness. The rise in income tax allowances – the biggest single achievement for the Lib Dems in the coalition – is a good start. It should clearly go further, as it is a nonsense to set a minimum wage and then tax people on it.
But the very progress so far means that the promise is less alluring. It is the paradox of reforming parties. The more successful they are, the more their appeal wanes. In the old phrase, the Lib Dems need a "record of action, and the promise of more". Elections are above all about the future, and the message will have to be positive and clear. Reported by guardian.co.uk 5 hours ago.