Italians are unfairly blaming the EU for their ills – their country's problems started well before the introduction of the euro
Only 10 years ago, Italians greeted the first euros dispensed from cash machines as a cause for national celebration. At the time Italy was the most loyal and enthusiastic founding member of the EU. According to Eurobarometer polls at the time, 70% of its citizens (the highest percentage among EU countries) believed that EU membership was a good thing. For many Italians Europe was seen as the only and last hope to counterbalance the power of inept and often corrupt politicians; the institution that would force Italy to become a "normal" country.
In the decade that has elapsed, the love affair has turned sour. Beppe Grillo and Silvio Berlusconi, the leaders of two of the three main political parties, have based their political campaigns on the idea that Italy should leave the euro. Even the newly elected leader of the Democratic party, Matteo Renzi, seems to share some of the scepticism that brands Europe a construction dominated by technocrats. And now the Pitchfork movement – which takes its name (I Forconi) from the pitchforks that are normally reserved for farmers but are now used to haunt politicians – is directing its anti-austerity rage towards "Europe". Some protesters have replaced the Europe flag on the main door of the European parliament's office in Rome with the Italian one.
Ten years after welcoming the euro, only 38% of Italians still think that to be part of the EU is a good thing (only in Britain does the EU fare worse in terms of public approval). The consequences of such a drastic disillusionment both with traditional politics and with Europe in one of the EU's strongholds are serious. Chances are that most people won't bother to vote at the next European elections and that the majority of future MEPs will come from parties that challenge even the parliament's mere existence. Paradoxically this will make Europe's democratic deficit even more acute and exacerbate the contradiction between monetary union and political fragmentation to the point of explosion.
Nobody can deny that Europe needs profound reforms. Yet are national politicians and public opinion right in thinking that the union and the euro deserve all the blame for the economic crisis?
The numbers show – at least as far as Italy is concerned – that the rage is not justified: Italy's economic stagnation started about 20 years ago, well before the introduction of the euro and the global financial crisis that erupted in 2007. Since the introduction of the single European currency, the country has witnessed a permanent drop of about seven percentage points in interest rates paid on its huge debt. This has allowed Italy's treasury to save about €70bn a year, whereas a return to the lira would almost certainly bring the country to default and to the point where it would not be able to pay public sector salaries and pensions.
And while most Italian politicians busy themselves asking Europe – and Angela Merkel – to "shift from austerity to growth" and, therefore, to allow for more public investment, nobody seems to notice that Italy has not been able to spend the funds that the European commission has already allocated to its poorest regions to promote economic growth.
It is easy to identify what is happening in Italy as the standard reaction of a political system that is having a hard time coming to terms with internal reforms. An external enemy is created and blame transferred, thus avoiding that otherwise necessary hard work of change.
The challenge is mostly up to Renzi: it is true that Europe needs to become more political and that in order to do so, Europe needs Italy's ideas and energy. However, in order to change Europe, Italians need first and foremost to change themselves, to manage the risks and face the hard choices that are associated with transformation. This is the only way to regain the credibility that leadership requires. Reported by guardian.co.uk 8 hours ago.
Only 10 years ago, Italians greeted the first euros dispensed from cash machines as a cause for national celebration. At the time Italy was the most loyal and enthusiastic founding member of the EU. According to Eurobarometer polls at the time, 70% of its citizens (the highest percentage among EU countries) believed that EU membership was a good thing. For many Italians Europe was seen as the only and last hope to counterbalance the power of inept and often corrupt politicians; the institution that would force Italy to become a "normal" country.
In the decade that has elapsed, the love affair has turned sour. Beppe Grillo and Silvio Berlusconi, the leaders of two of the three main political parties, have based their political campaigns on the idea that Italy should leave the euro. Even the newly elected leader of the Democratic party, Matteo Renzi, seems to share some of the scepticism that brands Europe a construction dominated by technocrats. And now the Pitchfork movement – which takes its name (I Forconi) from the pitchforks that are normally reserved for farmers but are now used to haunt politicians – is directing its anti-austerity rage towards "Europe". Some protesters have replaced the Europe flag on the main door of the European parliament's office in Rome with the Italian one.
Ten years after welcoming the euro, only 38% of Italians still think that to be part of the EU is a good thing (only in Britain does the EU fare worse in terms of public approval). The consequences of such a drastic disillusionment both with traditional politics and with Europe in one of the EU's strongholds are serious. Chances are that most people won't bother to vote at the next European elections and that the majority of future MEPs will come from parties that challenge even the parliament's mere existence. Paradoxically this will make Europe's democratic deficit even more acute and exacerbate the contradiction between monetary union and political fragmentation to the point of explosion.
Nobody can deny that Europe needs profound reforms. Yet are national politicians and public opinion right in thinking that the union and the euro deserve all the blame for the economic crisis?
The numbers show – at least as far as Italy is concerned – that the rage is not justified: Italy's economic stagnation started about 20 years ago, well before the introduction of the euro and the global financial crisis that erupted in 2007. Since the introduction of the single European currency, the country has witnessed a permanent drop of about seven percentage points in interest rates paid on its huge debt. This has allowed Italy's treasury to save about €70bn a year, whereas a return to the lira would almost certainly bring the country to default and to the point where it would not be able to pay public sector salaries and pensions.
And while most Italian politicians busy themselves asking Europe – and Angela Merkel – to "shift from austerity to growth" and, therefore, to allow for more public investment, nobody seems to notice that Italy has not been able to spend the funds that the European commission has already allocated to its poorest regions to promote economic growth.
It is easy to identify what is happening in Italy as the standard reaction of a political system that is having a hard time coming to terms with internal reforms. An external enemy is created and blame transferred, thus avoiding that otherwise necessary hard work of change.
The challenge is mostly up to Renzi: it is true that Europe needs to become more political and that in order to do so, Europe needs Italy's ideas and energy. However, in order to change Europe, Italians need first and foremost to change themselves, to manage the risks and face the hard choices that are associated with transformation. This is the only way to regain the credibility that leadership requires. Reported by guardian.co.uk 8 hours ago.