UK's importance to India is as a gateway to European markets, a trump card the PM half took out of his hand with his EU speech
India has so many would-be partners that if international affairs were a ball her dance card would be full to overflowing. David Cameron is only the latest in a long series of western leaders who have arrived in New Delhi on a puff of somewhat overblown rhetoric, leading a train of hopeful businessmen, and aspiring to leave India with a pocketful of contracts.
Here is Barack Obama in 2010: "The relationship between our countries is unique … We are two great republics dedicated to liberty and justice and equality of all people. And we are two free economies where people have the freedom to pursue ideas and innovation that can change the world. And that's why I believe that India and America are indispensable partners in meeting the challenges of our time."
The German chancellor, Angela Merkel, likes the "Indo-German strategic partnership" so much that she even arranged a joint Indo-German cabinet meeting during her visit in 2011. During his own recent trip, President François Hollande mused, perhaps rather romantically, since he was speaking on St Valentine's Day, that "I do sense a connection between France and India. India expects much of France – not just in economic terms, but also culturally and politically … We complement each other very significantly, because we can come together in the field of technology and in politics we can shape the world."
French commentators happily noted that, just as France seemed near to closing a deal to sell India Rafale military jets, supposed to have done well in Mali, an Indo-Italian helicopter deal, in which Westland has a part, was falling apart because of corruption allegations.
Now, hot on Mr Hollande's heels, comes David Cameron, also come to woo. His line is – surprise, surprise – that India and the United Kingdom can forge one of "the great partnerships of the 21st century". Speaking at Unilever headquarters in Mumbai, the first stop on his trip, he told the audience: "India's rise is going to be one of the great phenomena of this century and it is incredibly impressive to see … Britain wants to be your partner of choice. We've only just started on the sort of partnership that we could build. As far as I'm concerned, the sky is the limit."
There is undeniably something comic in this roundelay. India cannot have four (or five, or six, for there are plenty of other contenders) equally unique partners. What it can do is have useful relationships with many countries, including Britain. The question for Mr Cameron, leading the largest British trade delegation ever sent to India, is whether we have any special advantage in this competition.
True, we were the colonial power. True, the institutions of independent India were shaped by British political and legal traditions. True, there is a large Indian diaspora in this country. True, many educated Indians speak our language. True, there is still a residue of the fascination, always mixed with perplexity, with which the two countries historically regarded each other. Yet none of this guarantees a sound relationship, especially an economic one.
The problem is not that there are obstructions to the easy movement of Indian businessmen and Indian students to Britain, although there is some friction there, which Mr Cameron has rightly promised to ease with less onerous visa rules. That will help us, because higher education for foreigners is in effect an export in which we are a leader, and restrictions on it were a piece of foolishness.
But the real problem is that Britain's importance to India is above all as a gateway to the European market. That is why we have a lot of Indian investment, and this is the trump card that Mr Cameron half took out of his hand last month with his Europe speech. Our physical trade with India is quite small, and likely to remain so, while schemes such as the Mumbai-Bangalore "corridor", of which Mr Cameron spoke, would be invaded by our competitors if they ever came to pass. Mr Cameron is likely to be told in India that the European connection is our special asset, and that putting it at risk also risks our relationship with India. Reported by guardian.co.uk 19 hours ago.
India has so many would-be partners that if international affairs were a ball her dance card would be full to overflowing. David Cameron is only the latest in a long series of western leaders who have arrived in New Delhi on a puff of somewhat overblown rhetoric, leading a train of hopeful businessmen, and aspiring to leave India with a pocketful of contracts.
Here is Barack Obama in 2010: "The relationship between our countries is unique … We are two great republics dedicated to liberty and justice and equality of all people. And we are two free economies where people have the freedom to pursue ideas and innovation that can change the world. And that's why I believe that India and America are indispensable partners in meeting the challenges of our time."
The German chancellor, Angela Merkel, likes the "Indo-German strategic partnership" so much that she even arranged a joint Indo-German cabinet meeting during her visit in 2011. During his own recent trip, President François Hollande mused, perhaps rather romantically, since he was speaking on St Valentine's Day, that "I do sense a connection between France and India. India expects much of France – not just in economic terms, but also culturally and politically … We complement each other very significantly, because we can come together in the field of technology and in politics we can shape the world."
French commentators happily noted that, just as France seemed near to closing a deal to sell India Rafale military jets, supposed to have done well in Mali, an Indo-Italian helicopter deal, in which Westland has a part, was falling apart because of corruption allegations.
Now, hot on Mr Hollande's heels, comes David Cameron, also come to woo. His line is – surprise, surprise – that India and the United Kingdom can forge one of "the great partnerships of the 21st century". Speaking at Unilever headquarters in Mumbai, the first stop on his trip, he told the audience: "India's rise is going to be one of the great phenomena of this century and it is incredibly impressive to see … Britain wants to be your partner of choice. We've only just started on the sort of partnership that we could build. As far as I'm concerned, the sky is the limit."
There is undeniably something comic in this roundelay. India cannot have four (or five, or six, for there are plenty of other contenders) equally unique partners. What it can do is have useful relationships with many countries, including Britain. The question for Mr Cameron, leading the largest British trade delegation ever sent to India, is whether we have any special advantage in this competition.
True, we were the colonial power. True, the institutions of independent India were shaped by British political and legal traditions. True, there is a large Indian diaspora in this country. True, many educated Indians speak our language. True, there is still a residue of the fascination, always mixed with perplexity, with which the two countries historically regarded each other. Yet none of this guarantees a sound relationship, especially an economic one.
The problem is not that there are obstructions to the easy movement of Indian businessmen and Indian students to Britain, although there is some friction there, which Mr Cameron has rightly promised to ease with less onerous visa rules. That will help us, because higher education for foreigners is in effect an export in which we are a leader, and restrictions on it were a piece of foolishness.
But the real problem is that Britain's importance to India is above all as a gateway to the European market. That is why we have a lot of Indian investment, and this is the trump card that Mr Cameron half took out of his hand last month with his Europe speech. Our physical trade with India is quite small, and likely to remain so, while schemes such as the Mumbai-Bangalore "corridor", of which Mr Cameron spoke, would be invaded by our competitors if they ever came to pass. Mr Cameron is likely to be told in India that the European connection is our special asset, and that putting it at risk also risks our relationship with India. Reported by guardian.co.uk 19 hours ago.