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· Montreal-based startup wins $100,000 and will be given access to resources across Nokia and Nokia Bell Labs to help further develop its solution
· AOMS Technologies and Razor Secure split $75,000 for joint second place
6 December 2018
*Murray Hill, N.J. - **SPARK Microsystems, which is developing a low-power wireless transceiver for the industrial Internet of Things revolution, has been named the winner of the Nokia Open Innovation Challenge 2018 (NOIC). To help bring its innovative solution to the marketplace, Nokia will provide SPARK Microsystems with $100,000 as well as access to resources across Nokia and Nokia Bell Labs to further explore and develop their solution.*
AOMS Technologies and Razor Secure were tied for second place and will split a $75,000 prize, with each startup also given the opportunity to work with Nokia and Nokia Bell Labs to investigate how their solutions can integrate with, and enable, the Future X network.
*Marcus Weldon, President of Nokia Bell Labs and CTO of Nokia, said, "*This year's NOIC brought together many innovative start-ups with impressive products, technologies and solutions that will shape the world of industrial automation. While competition was tight, SPARK Microsystems was selected as the winner for its low power wireless transceiver chipset that has the potential to help 'spark' the next industrial revolution."
*Fares Mubarak, CEO of SPARK Microsystems, said,* "SPARK is honored to be selected as the winner of this year's prestigious award. Nokia and Nokia Bell Labs are networking, communications and wireless technologies leaders, and we look forward to collaborating on delivering innovative solutions for edge devices, sensors and wearable applications. These applications are a great fit for our ultra-low power and ultra-short latency groundbreaking wireless technology and are aligned with Nokia's vision of the future."
SPARK Microsystems, based in Montreal, came out on top of more than 300 start-up companies from the around the world that submitted entries to NOIC. This year's competition was launched in July and focused on products and solutions for the industrial automation and industrial Internet of Things.
The entrants went through two assessment rounds, with 6 finalists invited to pitch and demonstrate their ideas to an international selection jury at an event held today at the iconic headquarters of Nokia Bell Labs in Murray Hill, N.J. The selection jury was led by Weldon and was comprised of leaders from across Nokia, Nokia Bell Labs and NGP Capital.
The three other competition finalists that participated in today's event included INVOLI, NKN, and XXII, with novel approaches to drone air traffic information systems, a novel internet overlay network, and xR and video analytics solutions for industrials, respectively.
This year's winners will join a growing list of companies with access to Nokia's resources to help grow their businesses. Last year's winners included smart clothing developer Continuum Technologies as well as Snaptivity, which enhances live sport fan experiences through AI-powered robotic cameras.*Resources:*
· Nokia Open Innovation Challenge website
· SPARK Microsystems website
· AOMS Technologies website
· Razor Secure website
*About Nokia Bell Labs
*Nokia Bell Labs is the world renowned industrial research arm of Nokia. Over its 92-year history, Bell Labs has invented many of the foundational technologies that underpin information and communications networks and all digital devices and systems. This research has resulted in 9 Nobel Prizes, three Turing Awards, three Japan Prizes, a plethora of National Medals of Science and Engineering, as well as an Oscar, two Grammy awards and an Emmy award for technical innovation. For more information, visit www.bell-labs.com.
*About NGP Capital
*NGP Capital is a globally engaged venture capital firm backing growth-stage and revenue generating technology companies that will shape and power a fully connected world. By operating one, global fund with over $1 billion under management, we extend the reach of our companies via on-the-ground teams in U.S., Europe, India and China making our portfolio company products and services local everywhere. www.ngpcap.com
*We create the technology to connect the world. Powered by the research and innovation of Nokia Bell Labs, we serve communications service providers, governments, large enterprises and consumers, with the industry's most complete, end-to-end portfolio of products, services and licensing.
We adhere to the highest ethical business standards as we create technology with social purpose, quality and integrity. Nokia is enabling the infrastructure for 5G and the Internet of Things to transform the human experience. www.nokia.com
Phone: +358 10 448 4900
Email: email@example.com Reported by GlobeNewswire 3 hours ago.
This paper looks at the situation in Sri Lanka and the impact of the new Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. It further analyses the effects of great-power competition on Sri Lanka and the other countries in the Indo-Pacific region.
By Mario Esteban*
Over the past decade Sri Lanka has become an object of interest to great powers such as China, India, Japan and the US, essentially due to its unique Indo-Pacific location. Of the great powers, China has been the one to most increase its presence there, as the island-state is very important to its Belt and Road Initiative. This paper analyses China’s involvement in Sri Lanka in order to identify why it has become a key economic and strategic partner. It also identifies areas of improvement in its relationship with local governmental and civil society actors.
Sri Lanka has not attracted this much attention from the international press since the civil war between the government in Colombo and the Tamil Tigers ended in 2009.^1 The renewed attention is due to the fact that the island has become the epicentre of great power competition in the Indo-Pacific region. China’s growing and significant presence in the country has attracted special attention, as it offers a valuable insight into the effects of its Belt and Road Initiative. Most of the literature on the topic has not focused sufficiently on the local players, presenting them as mere pawns in the hands of China and other great powers. This paper will attempt to make up for these shortcomings by looking at how the priorities of the Sri Lankan government explain the nature of foreign involvement in the country.
-China is an attractive partner for Sri Lanka-
China has granted Sri Lanka US$10,000 million worth of loans, making it the third largest recipient of Chinese funds of the Belt and Road Initiative countries after Pakistan and Russia. Both the substantial increase in the amount of debt owed to China by Sri Lanka and the leasing of Hambantota port to a Chinese-led consortium have sparked a heated debate on the effects of Chinese financial involvement in Silk-Road countries. Opponents have seen this financial involvement as a Chinese attempt to increase its political and military influence in the area through its so-called *‘debt-trap diplomacy’*. Although this point of view has been defended by many international news outlets and think tanks,^2 and even by the US Vice-President Mike Pence, it lacks a solid foundation.
According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka,^3 14% of the US$55,000 million Sri Lanka owes in foreign debt are owed to the ADB, while 12% are owed to Japan, 11% to the World Bank and 10.6% to China. The country will have to pay back US$17,000 million worth of debt between 2019 and 2022, mainly to commercial banks and to traditional multilateral donors. Its currency reserves of US$9.100 million seem insufficient to meet the payments in the medium term, especially given that the country’s balance of payments in the last four years has barely reached a surplus of US$150 million. Furthermore, Sri Lankan public debt stands at 77% of its GDP, making it *the most indebted* among other neighbouring countries such as India, Malaysia, Pakistan and Thailand. This all suggests that Sri Lanka has a debt problem that extends beyond its commitments to China. Indeed, China’s latest loan to Sri Lanka is intended to service some of the debt owed to other creditors.^4
This is not to say that there have not been important changes in the ownership of Sri Lankan debt since the civil war ended in 2009. Sri Lanka received a substantial amount of development aid from the West during the Cold War, yet this was no longer the case in the last decade. Three main factors eroded the weight of multilateral development banks and Western powers as creditors during the period: the international financial crisis, Sri Lanka’s transition from a low-income to a lower-middle income country^5 and the distancing of Western powers from the government of Mahinda Rajapaksa. In this context, the Sri Lankan state was forced to rely much more heavily for funding on international financial markets and on Beijing. The latter offered larger sums than the Western powers were willing to provide and at more favourable conditions than those proposed by commercial banks.
Thus, China became an attractive new source of funding, especially to a government that wanted to prove to its population that it could boost the country’s socioeconomic development in the aftermath of the civil war. To this end, President Rajapaksa adopted an economic programme that was fully in line with Beijing’s vision, focusing on the construction of adequate infrastructure as a first step to attracting foreign investment and fostering local socioeconomic development.
In order to implement the programme, Rajapaksa needed both the external funding and the technical expertise required to build infrastructures in critical areas such as transport, energy and telecommunications. Since Western countries and companies had lost interest in Sri Lanka, China was in a unique position to fulfil the role. The example of China Merchants Port Holdings is a perfect illustration. As a state-owned Chinese company, it had access to cheaper funding than that available to Western private companies. Thus, it was freer to become involved in longer-term projects than its market-driven opponents.
In 2011 there was a public tender to grant construction and management rights for the container terminal of the *Port of Colombo* for a period of 35 years. The only offer came from a Chinese-Sri Lankan consortium consisting of China Merchants and Aitken Spence. China Merchants initially controlled 55% of the consortium, while Aitken Spence controlled 30% and Sri Lanka Ports Authority the remaining 15%. The following year, China Merchants bought out Aitken Spence’s share, meaning it now controlled 85% of the partnership. The venture increased the Port of Colombo’s capacity in record time thanks to the rapid construction of the terminal (which took only 28 months) and the introduction of new management techniques. Since then, the Port of Colombo has risen in every international ranking and the number of TEUs it handles per year has increased from 2.3 million in 2011 to 2.5 million in 2015 and 6.2 million in 2017. This makes it the world’s 23rd largest port in terms of volume of cargo handled, and the largest in South Asia.
This outstanding performance encouraged current President Maithripala Sirisena –who had originally been much more reluctant than his predecessor to strengthen ties with Beijing– to suggest that China should implement similar management methods at the *Port of Hambantota*.^6 The result was a 99-year lease agreement that came into force in December 2017. The agreement specified the creation of two public-private partnerships between China Merchants and the Sri Lanka Ports Authority, which would manage the Port’s administrative and commercial operations. In exchange for its participation, China Merchants agreed to pay US$1.120 million and to invest a further US$400-600 million in expanding the port. China Merchants currently owns a 70% share of the partnerships, but in a decade’s time its share will start to be gradually reduced until the two parties own 50% each.
Since it opened in November 2010, the port has been notable for its lack of activity, yet there are signs that this is beginning to change. While only 183 boats entered the port in the whole of 2017, 2018 has seen 132 boats enter in only the first quarter. The port has a perfect location on the route between the Malacca Straits and the Suez Canal, which joins Asia to Europe. It will help ease the pressure on the Port of Colombo and provide services to the 36,000 boats that complete the route each year, since they currently have to veer significantly off-route to refuel and carry out other necessary activities.
Another advantage of Chinese investment is the speed with which companies manage and implement projects. The Port of Hambantota is again a good example. Rajapaksa’s government presented the project to the Chinese in 2006, the agreement was signed in 2007, construction work started in 2008 and the port was opened in October 2010. Indeed, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority cites expeditiousness as the official reason why it chose to grant the project to China.^7 Chinese promptness certainly contrasts with the long and complex negotiation and implementation processes that characterise agreements with the traditional great powers. The example of Sri Lanka’s funding agreement with the Japan International Cooperation Agency to build Colombo’s light rail is an apt illustration. After more than three years of field studies, it is expected that the agreement will finally be signed at the end of 2018, while construction will not begin until 2020 and it will not enter into operation until 2024.
Indeed, it is significant that both of the Presidents that have ruled Sri Lanka since the end of the war have seen their key projects materialise thanks to Chinese capital. The Exim Bank of China financed 85% of the construction of the Port of Hambantota, developed during the Rajapaksa presidency. The state-owned China Communication Construction Company is investing US$1.400 million on the construction of *Colombo International Financial Centre*, which has finally been approved by President Sirisena. This latest project is particularly significant, as Sirisena had originally been critical of his predecessor’s close ties to Beijing, to the extent that he initially suspended the project for a year. It also shows that China is not only a key lender to Sri Lanka but is also emerging as a key investor.
-The Chinese modus operandi China in Sri Lanka-
All Sri Lankan Ministries are obliged to present all projects that require international funding to the Ministry of Finance.^8 Guided by the President, the Ministry of Finance then chooses what projects to promote and who is to fund them, an important point as the Ministry sometimes selects the funding based on a competitive tender while on other occasions it directly selects a specific government or institution. The latter practice does not exclusively benefit China since other traditional donors can be included as well.
The procedure used to prioritise projects is different for loans and for investments. For projects that require a loan, Chinese lenders usually accept the viability studies and risk analyses provided by local authorities at face value. Thus, many of the due diligence issues attributed to China when selecting and managing their projects can in fact be traced back to the priorities of local authorities. President Rajapaksa, for instance, is originally from the south of the island and was interested in developing an area where resentment towards the Colombo elites and the large amount of development aid they have received is strong. He therefore took out Chinese loans to rapidly develop ambitious infrastructure projects such as the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, the Port of Hambantota and the MRCI Stadium at Hambantota. All of these have so far been underutilised and the level of investment they required seems hard to justify. Nevertheless, it is too early to draw conclusions on some of the projects, as the government is currently planning a programme to develop the entire region through the infrastructures’ reactivation, the expansion of the road network and the creation of a large-scale industrial park.^9
When considering an investment, however, Chinese players draw up their own viability analyses. While the Chinese Embassy lobbies for and coordinates Chinese projects in the country, it is the banks and companies themselves who make use of their solid presence on the ground to launch the initiatives.^10 They write up their own project status and project evaluation reports, although only for internal use. After all, they do not feel obliged to keep their citizens or the international community informed and believe it is the local government’s obligation to keep its own people informed.
-Controversial aspects of China’s economic presence-
There can be no doubt that China is an attractive partner to the Sri Lankan government. However, its involvement in the country has also attracted controversy. China’s undercutting of Sri Lankan sovereignty, as well as the lack of transparency of its operations and its lack of consideration for the environmental and social impact of its projects, have all been a source of criticism. Land leases to Chinese companies and Chinese-led consortiums in Hambantota and Colombo have been especially controversial, and have given rise to protests in these areas.
The controversies were such that they even led President Sirisena to suspend the development of Colombo’s financial city so as to make some changes to the original project.^11 In the new agreement, China Communication Construction Company will no longer own whatever land it reclaims from the sea but will only enjoy a 99-year lease. The land, which had an undetermined status in the previous agreement, will now officially become a part of Colombo District and of the Sri Lankan state. Similarly, a detailed report on the project’s environmental impact was carried out that listed 70 measures needed to mitigate any negative effects, where only 42 were outlined in the original agreement. In addition, the agreement forced China Communications Company to contribute LKR500 million to a compensation fund established by the Sri Lankan government for local fishermen. These alterations to the original project, which were motivated by a change of government, prove once again that local authorities and their priorities play a crucial role in the process of negotiating agreements with China.
Sirisena’s government is also more transparent than his predecessor’s, as proved by the *Right to Information Act *that was introduced in February 2017. Despite this, Sri Lankan civil servants and politicians have a long habit of opacity. Their country has traditionally been an ‘aid darling’, a state accustomed to receiving aid despite its deficiencies in transparency and good governance. China has not exerted any pressure to improve transparency in the country either. The Chinese government considers that this is the local authorities’ choice. Indeed, they themselves do not feel that they have to be accountable to Chinese citizens for whatever agreements they sign internationally, and so they do not feel compelled to make their content public.
Finally, there are frequent complaints that Chinese companies operating in Sri Lanka hire very few local workers and make investments that do not generate business opportunities for locals. Although the activities of Chinese companies in Sri Lanka create little local economic spill-overs, the presence of Chinese workers is not especially controversial, as the shortage of local construction workers frequently attracts foreign labour. Similarly, Chinese projects do not usually require the participation of other foreign companies, though they do occasionally bring one in if they need specific technical expertise or want to improve their own reputation. The latter point limits the incentives for the involvement of foreign governments in the development of the Belt and Road Initiative.
-The strategic dimension-
The close ties that are developing between China and Sri Lanka are also the result of *geostrategic motivations*, as Sri Lanka has a privileged location on the Indian Ocean’s maritime trade routes and is very close to India.
The US, China, India and Japan are competing for *influence in the Indo-Pacific region*. This has led to frequent visits by high-level officials and civil servants to Sri Lanka seeking to address matters of security and defence. On 18 August 2018, for instance, Itsunori Odera became the first Japanese Minister of Defence to ever visit Sri Lanka. During the visit, Japan donated two patrol boats to the Sri Lankan government. This came only two weeks after China had announced that it would strengthen its defence ties with Colombo and donated a frigate to the Sri Lankan navy, and a week after the US State Department had announced a donation of US$39 million to increase the navy’s capabilities.
Like many other countries that are geographically close to India, Sri Lanka is taking advantage of China’s increasing presence in South Asia to counterbalance New Delhi’s influence. These offsetting tactics were particularly obvious under the Rajapaksa government. Sirisena’s current government is more focused on diversifying its foreign alliances to avoid excessive dependence on a single country. However, this does not mean that Sri Lanka is hostile towards New Delhi. In fact, the Sri Lankan authorities have claimed that they have India’s strategic interests in mind in their day-to-day management of Hambantota Port and refused to allow a Chinese submarine to dock in the Port of Colombo in May 2017. They have also asked the Indian government to become involved in many important projects. These include the management of Mattala airport, the development of both the Port of Colombo’s Eastern Terminal and of Trincomalee Port, and the construction of the country’s first liquefied natural gas plant.
Many of these projects are the result of joint efforts between Japan and India. The two countries and the US are launching common initiatives in the region that compete with the Belt and Road Initiative, such as the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy. The Sri Lankan government wants both India and Japan to build infrastructures that help develop the disadvantaged north and eastern regions of the country, just as China did in the south. President Sirisena is also strengthening defence ties with Tokyo, as illustrated by Minister Itsunory Odera’s visit and that of the Akebono, a Japanese destroyer, to Hambantota Port this year.
It is becoming increasingly obvious that the US and Japan have very different conceptions of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy. Washington’s approach is confrontational towards China and is focused on preserving the traditional balance of power in the region. This is favourable to India and its role in South Asia. Japan, on the other hand, has a more ambivalent relationship with Beijing and interprets the Strategy in a more inclusive way, believing it should be open to any other law-abiding state, and that could apply to China. In this regard, Japan is becoming more amenable to the Belt and Road Initiative as long as it remains transparent and sustainable and respects International Law. These developments are playing out on Sri Lankan soil, where the Japanese and Chinese Embassies host bilateral meetings to coordinate their involvement in local projects. Similarly, Japan has proposed some joint ventures with Chinese companies in West Africa. This *collaborative approach* embeds itself within a wider process of détente that was initiated by the two countries last spring, reached a new level last October with a state visit to China by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and is expected to reach its culmination next year when Xi might reciprocate.
The EU and South Korea, for their part, share a common stance on Sri Lanka. Neither of them have significant strategic interests in the country that go beyond ensuring freedom of navigation in the area, nor do they particularly favour one of the regional integration schemes at the expense of another. Their shared priorities in the country consist of contributing to its socioeconomic development and seeking out business opportunities for their companies.
The Indo-Pacific region has emerged as an epicentre of competition between the great powers, especially China, the US, Japan and India. Sri Lanka has become very important to these countries due to its strategic location in the region. To the concern of the other great powers, China has spectacularly increased its presence over the island-state during the past 10 years. This is due to the mutually beneficial relationship that has developed between the two countries: Sri Lanka is key to China’s Belt and Road Initiative while China has proved to be a very attractive economic partner to the Sri Lankan government. Not only has it financed and developed projects at great speed but it has also willingly participated in local strategic initiatives. Nevertheless, there is room for improvement in China’s relationship with Sri Lanka. Its projects have lacked transparency and sometimes have failed to take into account financial, environmental and social sustainability concerns. This has been a source of controversy and has resulted in certain key initiatives having to be renegotiated. China will have to become more sensitive to local expectations if it wishes to consolidate its position as a fundamental partner to the Sri Lankan government and increase the appeal of the Belt and Road Initiative to other states.
*About the author:
*Mario Esteban*, Senior Analyst at the Elcano Royal Institute and Professor at the Autonomous University of Madrid | @wizma9
This article was published by FPRI
^1 The author would like to express his gratitude to Virginia Crespi de Valldaura for her valuable help in preparing this paper.
^2 See, for instance, Jonathan E. Hillman (2018), ‘Game of loans: how China bought Hambantota’, CSIS Briefs, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 2/IV/2018; and Harsh V. Pant (2017), ‘China’s debt trap diplomacy’, Observer Research Foundation, 3/VIII/2017.
^3Central Bank of Sri Lanka (2018), ‘Annual Report 2017: Statistical Appendix’, Table 115, 17/IV/2018.
^4 Shihar Aneez (2018), ‘Sri Lanka accepts $1 billion, eight year syndicated loan from China Development Bank’, Reuters, 25/V/2018.
^5 This greatly affects its possibilities for attracting funds from multilateral development banks.
^6 Sirisena is a staunch defender of the private sector whereas Rajapaksa was much more in favor of strengthening state-owned companies.
^7 Sri Lanka Ports Authority (2010), ‘Hambantota harbour dream come true’, 25/VIII/2010.
^8 Many Sri Lankan Ministers are members of Parliament representing local constituencies, meaning they tend to propose projects that benefit their own voters.
^9 ‘Sri Lanka-China industrial zone office in Hambantota Port kicks off industrialisation of Ruhuna’, Daily FT, 6/XI/2017.
^10 According to Sri Lanka’s Ministry of National Coexistence there are around 110,000 Chinese citizens in the country. See Ministry of National Coexistence (2017), People of Sri Lanka, Selacine, Colombo, p. 215.
^11 ‘Sri Lanka’s port city developer withdraws compensation claims’, Lanka Business Online, 2/VIII/2016. Reported by Eurasia Review 2 hours ago.
Barak Ravid reports (Hebrew and English here) that Hungary, like Poland, is now seeking to engage in Holocaust revisionism. Just as the Poles passed a law that offered a prison sentence to anyone who blamed Poles for the Holocaust, Hungary is now getting into the act. If you asked any of the leaders of the far-right parties running these countries, not a single Pole or Hungarian was responsible for the Holocaust. Well, maybe one or two, at most.
That got the Poles in trouble with legitimate Holocaust historians, including some who are Polish, and leading international academics who pointed out that this was a falsification of history. Though Bibi Netanyahu at first endorsed the Polish legislation, he was taken aback by the fierceness of the response it elicited. He backed off and then hustled off a Yad Vashem researcher to Poland to “negotiate” with the Polish rightists over a joint statement that would mollify those horrified by the bill. As a result, a milquetoast statement was released by the Poles, Yad Vashem renounced it, and the very person who purportedly negotiated on behalf of Netanyahu appeared to renounce her own efforts, saying she had little input into the process, and didn’t officially represent Yad Vashem.
It was a perfect exemplar of Netanyahu’s modus operandi. Stick your foot in the mud thinking it’s oil, then tell the world an oil expert told you this was just the place to look for oil. Then summon an aide to give you a new pair of shoes and tell him to blow the place up after you leave so that no one will ever know you were there.
Hungary’s anti-Semitic leader, Viktor Orban, has tasked one of his billionaire followers with creating a Holocaust museum in Budapest. To be called the House of Fates, it will supposedly explain to the Hungarian people how and why the Holocaust happened. We know there are shady machinations regarding this effort because the woman heading the project, Maria Schmidt, is one of Orban’s wealthy toadies. A professor of history and self-styled expert on the Holocaust, she’s also founded an earlier institution, the House of Terror Museum. This wretched example of historical revisionism is dedicated to exposing the horrors of totalitarianism–by which they mean Communism. It exploited the Holocaust by likening Communism to it.
Here is a sample of an English translation from Schmidt’s latest learned tome on history and something or other. If you can make head or tails of it, you’re doing far better than I:
Language: now, as always, it all started with language. The expropritation, the agressive [sic] seizure of language has swept us frighteningly far from reality. The crisis could not be more serious. Anyone trying to break free from the strangehold [sic] of half-truths and contrived thought experiments risks nothing less than expulsion from the „paradise” of lies. True, in a few decades from now – or a few centuries – such people could become icons; but the prisoners of the putrefying present are doing their utmost to mercilessly annihilate them here and now. With this volume Mária Schmidt is again taking a risk. According to her iroinic [sic] profession of faith, however, she has no choice: what is at stake is liberty.
One of the many stratagems Orban’s far-right party has used to enforce its ideological imprint on the nation’s consciousness is to charge the few remaining independent media outlets with various legal infractions. Take them to court, levy fines. Make it impossible to continue publishing or broadcasting. Then arrange for a white knight, almost always a wealthy confidant of the ruling élite, to swoop in and scoop up the prize at a song. Then the media property, which had represented an independent voice, was transformed into a dutiful member of the ruling party chorus, reciting its well-rehearsed lines from memory.
Schmidt was party to such a maneuver involving the purchase of the struggling independent business and economics magazine, Figyelő. The machinations which led to its demise are described in the linked article. What’s especially relevant here is last month’s cover story, which purported to accuse the leader of the Hungarian Jewish community (and opponent of Orban), Andras Heisler, of financial irregularities. The cover image is yet another one of those repulsive veiled anti-Semitic cheap-shots for which Orban is well-known. It features a picture of Heisler surrounded by Hungarian banknotes dropping like manna from heaven. If it reminds you of the sickening smear the Hungarian anti-Semite engaged in against George Soros, it should. It’s the same MO.
So Schmidt, who’s revised the history of 20th century Hungarian Communism, will now revise the history of Hungary’s involvement in the Holocaust. Keep in mind that there were 400,000 Jews there until 1944, when most were shipped to the camps. Less than half survived. Overall, more than 500,000 Hungarian Jews died.
The wartime fascist Iron Cross government enthusiastically collaborated with the Nazis in betraying the Jews. Orban has gone so far as to blame the country’s leadership for this crime. But it could not have succeeded with the enthusiastic support of the many Hungarians joined in the effort to make their country Judenrein. Now Schmidt gets her chance to rectify all that bad PR Hungary has suffered and she’s relishing the opportunity.
Another curious element of this Holocaust project is that Orban has found an obedient Jewish toady to partner with him in it. The Chabad rabbi, Shimon Koves, is now the Jewish fig leaf for the project. His synagogue will own the new museum. In effect, he’s the mashgiach you go to to turn a pig into a nice cut of kosher beef. It’s a shameful bit of opportunism reminiscent of the acts of Jews who betrayed their own in World War II Europe. Though they did so under terrible duress. Rabbi Koves has no excuse, except for the benefits that the Hungarian anti-Semites will rain down on him and his various projects in the country.
Enter into this mess, Bibi Netanyahu, who wants to do a favor for his new BFF, Orban. Just as Koves will kasher the museum inside Hungary, Orban needs Netanyahu to kasher it for world Jewry. So he’s sent two of his advisors to Israel to meet with Bibi’s political advisor, Reuven Ezer. Mind you, Orban’s emissaries won’t meet with any Holocaust scholars, any Hungarian Holocaust survivors or any figure who could shed light on what a Hungarian Holocaust museum should look like. For Orban and Bibi, this is purely a political transaction to be worked out for the benefit of both parties–and to the detriment of history.
In fact, this Hungarian blog post notes that Yad Vashem itself opposes her museum. It’s also ominous to note that an official within the Israeli museum who opposed the Hungarian project has, according to Schmidt, been fired:
At the end the reporter brought up the fact that the Yad Vashem Institute no longer supports Mária Schmidt’s project, the House of Fates. Moreover, one of the associates of the Institute apparently said at one point that “it is time to get rid of this institute and this woman.” Schmidt assured her interlocutor that this woman no longer works at Yad Vashem. As if her alleged departure had anything to do with her less than polite words about Mária Schmidt. As for her next project, the House of Fates, she is still trying to convince people to work with her. A few more interviews like the ones she has been giving and I can assure her that no one will be willing to do anything with her that is connected to the Hungarian Holocaust.
Heisler is also in Israel desperately seeking to blunt the effort to turn this museum into a Nuremberg-like showpiece for the Fidesz Party’s historical revisionism. Unlike Orban’s representatives, Heisler is meeting with Yad Vashem officials, along with other members of Israel’s exceedingly weak political opposition: Jewish Agency chair, Isaac Herzog and Yesh Atid leader, Yair Lapid.
Finally, Ravid’s story originated with disgruntled officials in the foreign ministry, of which Netanyahu himself is nominally the cabinet minister. They have been entirely shut out of this process, in which they normally would be deeply involved. This is yet another example of Netanyahu running the government as if it was his own personal fief designed to advance his own interests.
Here we see Netanyahu’s enveloping embrace of the worst elements of intolerance, hate, and even anti-Semitism in both Europe and the U.S. In return for their support, he’s abandoned all his former allies even in the world Jewish community. Instead, he’s made common cause with a miasmatic stew of neo-Nazis, zenophobes, Islamophobes, Christian fundamentalists, and raging anti-Semites. He excuses their Jew hatred, while embracing their mutual hatred of Islam, Arabs and leftists. It’s a bargain with the Devil.
This article was published at Tikun Olam Reported by Eurasia Review 1 hour ago.
Medicins San Frontiers has been pressured to terminate seek and rescue operations at the fatal central Mediterranean migration course . The charity and its spouse SOS Méditerranée has mentioned Europe will “condemn other people to drown” and accused the Italian govt of a smear marketing campaign aimed toward fighting and discrediting rescue operations within the …
Reported by The News Articles 2 hours ago.
*NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION TO UNITED STATES NEWS WIRE SERVICES OR **DISSEMINATION IN UNITED STATES*
CALGARY, Alberta , Dec. 06, 2018 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- *Pieridae Energy Limited (“Pieridae”) (PEA - TSXV)* announces that, as a result of a review by the Alberta Securities Commission, it has refiled its annual information form for the year ended December 31, 2017 (the "AIF") along with the related chief executive officer and chief financial officer certificates.A description of the revisions to the AIF are as follows:
· Business updates from the June 21, 2018 originally dated AIF to today;
· Expanded information on the entities incorporated within the Pieridae group;
· Expanded and updated information on the Company’s oil and gas properties and the contingent and prospective resources of those properties including revised Forms 51-101F1, 51-101F2, 51-101F3, and 51-101F4; and
· Expanded information on the legislative environment and risks that the company operates within.
The AIF is available on the Company's web site www.pieridaeenergy.com and has been filed on the Company's SEDAR profile.
Founded in 2011, Pieridae, a majority Canadian owned corporation based in Calgary, is focused on the development of integrated energy-related activities, from the exploration and extraction of natural gas to the development, construction and operation of the Goldboro LNG facility and the production of LNG for sale to Europe and other markets. Pieridae is on the leading edge of the re-integration of the LNG value chain in North America. Pieridae has 50,572,765 shares issued and outstanding which trade on the TSX Venture Exchange (PEA).
*For further information please contact:*
*Alfred Sorensen, Chief Executive Officer *
Telephone: (418) 657-1966
*Melanie Litoski, Chief Financial Officer*
Telephone: (418) 657-1966
*Neither TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release.*
Reported by GlobeNewswire 2 hours ago.
The core results of IP Trend Monitor's first survey show that the IP industry is on an ascending trajectory, growing fast in all segments, and has China leading the way, closely followed by Europe
Reported by Mondaq 57 minutes ago.
2018 has been a year of centenaries across much of Europe. For Romania, December 1, 2018 marked the 100th year anniversary since the Romanian lands of Transylvania, Bessarabia and others united with Bucharest. Interestingly, some of these territories, most notably Bessarabia, are no longer part of Romania and instead makes up much of modern-day Moldova.
In the early 1990s, the period of Romanian unification was glorified in the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic. The republic sought independence from the USSR and ruling elites from the Moldovan Popular Front prepared for the ‘impending’ unification with Romania. Almost 30 years later, Moldova has remained independent and the political climate is infinitely different.
While pan-Romanianism still has some support in Romania, it has disappeared from official discourse in Moldova. The ruling coalition prefers not to discuss issues of national identity, with the two people one state generally being accepted. The socialists on the other hand, support the notion that Moldovans constitute a unique ethno-linguistic group. To reinforce this notion, and the countries right to independence, the Moldovan president Igor Dodon has recently declared that next year will be the year of Stefan the Great, to celebrate the 660 anniversary of the country’s independence.
Despite the lack of support from any influential political parties, the exclusionary and revisionist pan-Romanian ideology is still present in Moldovan public space. Perhaps the best example of this is found in the Moldovan National History Museum.
The National History Museum of Moldova is a bastion of pan-Romanian ideals located right in the heart of the Moldovan capital, Chișinău. The museum presents a revisionist narrative of the Union with Romania presenting facts that suits its agenda and omitting those that do not.
The two exhibitions where the pan-Romanian bias becomes clear are the ones which deal with Tsarist rule and Romanian unification. The basic narrative of these sections is that the era of Russian and Soviet occupation was detrimental to the social, cultural and economic development of the people of Moldova, whilst the period of Romanian unification was one which saw a high level of development in all these areas.
Unsurprisingly, the interwar Romanian government were not promoting the idea of a Moldovan people and so the people of Moldova are automatically identified as Romanians. Throughout each of these exhibitions certain pieces of information are omitted, which leads to the visitor gaining a favourable view of Romania at the expense of Russia.
The exhibition on the Tsarist reign does acknowledge that Bessarabia was given certain economic freedoms during the formative years of its integration into the Russian Empire. However, the exhibition openly admits that it pays special attention to the de-nationalizing policy conducted and Russification policy carried out by the Tsarist forces.
While there were efforts to Russify the Bessarabians, especially after the coronation of Tsar Alexander III, the exhibition provides no mention of the fact that there was no attempt to Russify Moldovans in the early years of the Russian occupation. In fact, under a special statue passed in 1818, Moldovan functioned as an equal language to Russian, with official announcements made in both languages. Furthermore, the exhibition fails to provide any historical perspective, most notably that Russification efforts were connected to rising Romanian nationalism across the border.
The perception that is presented in this exhibition is that the Russian Empire purposely oppressed the people of Bessarabia, inhibiting social, cultural and economic growth. While this is certainly true for the latter part of Tsarist rule, it ignores more positive relationship at the beginning of the empire. By presenting the Tsarist occupation in such a way, the museum then presents Romania as the saviours of Bessarabia in the next exhibition.
The exhibition which deals with the unification with Romania introduces the event in a celebratory tone, claiming that the integration into Greater Romania lead to important socio-economic developments in the region, particularly in regard to culture. Indeed, the latter statement is presented as a ‘fact’.
Whilst the previous exhibition presented an overtly critical view of the Tsarist period, the exhibition on unification with Romania is rather uncritical. The statement that it led to the high development of culture is rather misleading, considering we know that many Moldovans were reluctant to change from the Cyrillic to the Latin script. The exclusionary nature of the pan-Romanianism, similar to that articulated by the Popular Front, is evident in this exhibition, as the experience of the regions minorities under Romanian rule is absent.
None of Bessarabia’s minorities benefited culturally under the Romanian government, with Russian and Ukrainian language schools being mostly closed and Russian orthodox services being expected to be conducted in Romanian. Such uncritical representations exclude minorities from the historic memory of the state.
To claim that the Moldovans themselves benefited economically from the Union with Romania would also be misleading. The main regions which benefited from Romanian investment were the large cities and towns, which were overwhelmingly populated by Russians and Jews. In fact, Bessarabia was one of the most backward regions of the Romania, with less Bessarabians having access to electricity than anywhere else in Romania.
In its presentation of Moldovan history, the National History Museum of Moldova places particular emphasis on the issue of cultural development. The main narrative that it presents is that the Romanian speakers of the region suffered, both culturally and economically, at the hands of the Tsar and prospered under the Romanians. Such a narrative implies that those who live in Moldova are in fact Romanian. Similarly, such an uncritical view promotes future re-unification with Moldova and ultimately undermines the legitimacy of the Moldovan state.
Such a view excludes the experiences of the regions minorities, whilst simultaneously presents an incomplete picture of the regions history. Instead of a critical examination of the interwar period, visitors are treated to a nostalgic view of Romanian Unification, reminiscent of the views of the Popular Front. As Moldovan history has proven, such biased views are dangerous. While Moldova has made great strides since the early 1990s in incorporating its ethnic minorities into the state, the removal of such exclusionary and bias historical narratives is a must if progress on the matter is to be continued.
***Keith Harrington*, NUI Travelling Scholar in Humanities and Social Sciences, PhD Candidate, History Department, Centre for European and Eurasian Studies, Maynooth University.
Note: References concerning Moldova’s experience under Tsarist and Romanian rule come from Charles Kings book The Moldovans Romania, Russia and the Politics of Culture and Thomas J. Hegarty’s chapter, The Politics of Language in Moldova’, in Language Ethnicity and the State, Volume Two Minority Languages in Eastern Europe Post-1989. Reported by Eurasia Review 18 minutes ago.
Vmoto Ltd (ASX:VMT) expects another year of growth in 2019 after increasing global interest, and sales, of its range of high-quality electric-powered two-wheel vehicles in the past 12 months. The company is particularly focusing on the large European markets where it aims to continue introducing more models to provide Europeans with more lifestyle experiences. Vmoto manufactures a range of western-designed electric scooters from its wholly-owned 30,000 square metre state-of-the-art manufacturing facility in Nanjing, China. Low-cost Chinese manufacturing capabilities are matched with stylish European design to provide high performance and competitive products to international markets. READ: Vmoto Soco draws plenty of attention at major Italian expo Vmoto recently attracted significant interest for its range when it exhibited at EICMA 2018 in Milan, Italy. This two-wheel vehicle expo is one of the world’s largest and in its 76th staging this year drew more than 1,050 exhibitors from 34 countries and attracted crowds of more than half a million. A large range of Vmoto distributed B2C ‘green’ electric scooters and electric motorcycles were showcased and the company also launched the Super Soco CUX electric scooter and TC-Max electric motorcycle. The launch attracted plenty of interest from the large contingent of media present along with a big crowd of show visitors. During EICMA, Vmoto representatives were interviewed by the in-house video team. Managing director Charles Chen stated that the company had only had its products in the marketplace for two years “and the reaction has been overwhelming”. “We are also talking to other big-name companies in Europe regarding further distribution agreements including Ducati. “Europe is the best ground to cultivate high-end brands in motorcycles and automobiles. No brand can do any good in the rest of the world if they cannot do well in Europe,” he said. READ: Vmoto drives upward sales growth of electric-powered two-wheel vehicles With servicing the large European market at the forefront of the company’s growth plans, the managing director said that European headquarters had been established in the Netherlands. “The headquarters are supporting our distribution network in Europe, including marketing, sales and financing, where necessary. “We will also be establishing a high-end technical centre. This will not only support distributors in after-sales service but will offer technical support to B2B customers to integrate technical matters into their requirements.” Strong focus on R&D Chen said that there were expert R&D technicians engaged in China, including some with vast experience with Honda. “At our factory, we have the capability to produce more than 300,000 units every year and we are utilising the best advantages of China in terms of the supply chain.” He added that in the short term, Vmoto aimed to establish a presence in most of the world's essential cities. “To service this we are looking to establish another two factories, one in Europe and another in south Asia. “Also, in 2019 we aim to launch our new model, which will be another major step in the company's growth.” Vmoto operates through the below primary brands: • E-Max - A Vmoto proprietary brand, targeting international B2B markets with a high-end premium product; and • Super Soco - A third-party brand that Vmoto markets into international B2C markets.
Reported by Proactive Investors 20 minutes ago.
DGAP-News: Carl Zeiss Meditec AG / Key word(s): Annual Results
07.12.2018 / 07:00
The issuer is solely responsible for the content of this announcement.
*Carl Zeiss Meditec continues on growth course in fiscal year 2017/18*
*Both strategic business units make good contributions / Significant increases in Americas and APAC regions*
JENA, 7 December 2018
*Carl Zeiss Meditec AG increased its revenue further in all strategic business units and regions after twelve months of fiscal year 2017/18. Revenue increased by 7.6 percent (adjusted for currency effects: 11.1 percent), to EUR1,280.9m (prior year: EUR1,189.9m). Earnings before interest and taxes (EBIT) rose to EUR197.1m (prior year: EUR180.8m). The EBIT margin remained stable at 15.4 percent (prior year: 15.2 percent). Earnings per share reached EUR1.41 (prior year: EUR1.57). *
"We achieved our sales forecast, which we had already raised in July 2018 - in spite of negative currency effects. In fiscal year 2017/18 we gained further market shares in both ophthalmology and microsurgery. What is particularly encouraging is that all regions and business segments contributed - the performance of the Americas and Asia/Pacific regions was particularly strong," says Dr. Ludwin Monz, President and CEO of Carl Zeiss Meditec AG.
*Solid growth and market share gains in both strategic business units*
The strategic business unit (SBU) Ophthalmic Devices increased its revenue by 6.0 percent after twelve months of fiscal year 2017/18 (adjusted for currency effects: 9.3 percent), to EUR933.3m, compared with EUR880.5m in the same period of the prior year. The laser systems business for vision correction and the diagnostics business developed particularly well. There was also continued solid demand for premium and standard intraocular lenses for the treatment of cataracts.
Revenue in the Microsurgery SBU grew by 12.3 percent (adjusted for currency effects: 16.5 percent), to EUR347.6m, compared with EUR309.4 in the prior year. This growth is particularly attributable to the new products for the neurosurgery and dental segments.
*Significant growth, particularly in Americas and APAC regions*
Revenue in the EMEA region increased by 4.0 percent (adjusted for currency effects: 5.4 percent), to EUR378.1m (prior year: EUR363.4m). Development in the core markets Germany and France was stable. Increases were achieved in the UK, Southern Europe and some Eastern European markets.
A positive trend was also recorded in the Americas region. Revenue increased to EUR406.5m (prior year: EUR378.2m). This growth amounted to 7.5 percent (adjusted for currency effects: 14.4 percent) and thus accelerated significantly compared with the prior year. This is primarily due to a continued positive trend in the U.S. market.
The Asia/Pacific (APAC) region grew by 10.7 percent, to EUR496.3m (prior year: EUR448.2m). After adjustment for currency effects, this corresponds to an increase of 13.2 percent. Once again, the largest contributions to growth came from China and South Korea.
The EBIT margin was 15.4 percent (prior year: 15.2 percent). Adjusted for special effects, an increase to 15.7 percent was recorded (prior year: 14.8 percent). This was due in particular to a positive development of the product mix. Revenue from recurring business, such as from consumables, implants and services, increased further, and climbed to around 34 percent of revenue (prior year: 33 percent).
Earnings per share declined slightly, to EUR1.41 (prior year: EUR1.57). This decrease was attributable to negative currency effects and to the increased number of shares.
Carl Zeiss Meditec AG anticipates further growth for fiscal year 2018/19, at least to the level of the underlying markets. The EBIT margin is expected to range between 14 percent and 16 percent in fiscal year 2018/19 and in the medium term.
*Revenue by strategic business unit*
All figures in EURm 12 months 2017/18 12 months 2016/17 Change from prior year Change from prior year (adjusted for currency effects)
Ophthalmic Devices 933.3 880.5 +6.0% +9.3%
Microsurgery 347.6 309.4 +12.3% +16.5%
*Total* *1,280.9* *1,189.9* *+7.6%* *+11.1%*
*Revenue by region*
All figures in EURm 12 Months 2017/18 12 Months 2016/17 Change from prior year Change from prior year (adjusted for currency effects)
EMEA 378.1 363.4 +4.0% +5.4%
Americas 406.5 378.2 +7.5% +14.4%
APAC 496.3 448.2 +10.7% +13.2%
*Total* *1,280.9* *1,189.9* *+7.6%* *+11.1%*
*Contact for investors and press *
Director Investor Relations, Carl Zeiss Meditec AG
Phone: +49 (0)3641 220-116
07.12.2018 Dissemination of a Corporate News, transmitted by DGAP - a service of EQS Group AG.
The issuer is solely responsible for the content of this announcement.
The DGAP Distribution Services include Regulatory Announcements, Financial/Corporate News and Press Releases.
Archive at www.dgap.de --------------------
Company: Carl Zeiss Meditec AG
Göschwitzer Str. 51-52
Phone: +49 (0)3641 220-0
Fax: +49 (0)3641 220-112
Indices: SDAX, TecDAX
Listed: Regulated Market in Frankfurt (Prime Standard); Regulated Unofficial Market in Berlin, Dusseldorf, Hamburg, Hanover, Munich, Stuttgart, Tradegate Exchange
End of News DGAP News Service Reported by EQS Group 29 minutes ago.
According to the report, the global fill finish manufacturing market was valued at approximately USD 2.99 billion in 2017 and is expected to reach around USD 5.15 billion by 2024, growing at a CAGR of 8.8 % between 2018 and 2024.
New York, NY, Dec. 07, 2018 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Zion Market Research has published a new report titled *“Fill Finish Manufacturing Market by Product (Consumables (Vial, Prefilled Syringes, Cartridge, and Others) and Instruments) and by End-User (Pharmaceutical & Biotechnology Companies, Contract Research Organizations, Academic Research Institutes, and Medical Device Companies): Global Industry Perspective, Comprehensive Analysis, and Forecast, 2018–2024”*. According to the report, the global fill finish manufacturing market was valued at approximately USD 2.99 billion in 2017 and is expected to reach around USD 5.15 billion by 2024, growing at a CAGR of 8.8 % between 2018 and 2024.
Fill finish manufacturing involves aseptically filling of biological drugs or medicines in any form, such as sterile liquid, powder, and suspension, in vials, ampoules, bottles syringes, and cartridges. Many biopharmaceutical products are fragile in nature and have several stability problems during pharmaceutical processing and filling. These biological drugs are prone to contamination that could lead to huge economic losses for the manufacturers. Fill and finish operations provide advanced aseptic solutions to prevent contamination of biopharmaceutical products.
*Browse through 30 Tables & 10 Figures spread over 110 Pages and in-depth TOC on “Global Fill Finish Manufacturing Market: By Industry Type, Size, Share, Growth, Analysis, and Forecast to 2018–2024”.*
*Request Free Sample Report of Global Fill Finish Manufacturing Market Report @ *https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/sample/fill-finish-manufacturing-market
Growing biopharmaceutical industry globally is likely to drive the fill finish manufacturing market in the future. Increasing adoption of prefilled syringes, technological advancements related to fill finish manufacturing solutions, and launch of new drugs and therapeutics are among other factors fueling the fill finish manufacturing market growth. However, high capital requirement and stringent regulatory policies are hampering the global fill finish manufacturing market. Alternatively, emerging biopharmaceutical industry in developing countries is likely to offer lucrative opportunities during the forecast time period.
By product, the fill finish manufacturing market is divided into consumables and instruments. The consumables segment was the highest revenue grosser in 2017. Fill finish manufacturing is a common unit operation in the manufacturing of biological drugs. The increasing demand for fill finish manufacturing in biopharmaceutical companies and CRO’s are projected to poise the expansion of the consumables segment in the upcoming years.
*Download Free Report Brochure: *https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/requestbrochure/fill-finish-manufacturing-market
By end-user, the fill finish manufacturing market is divided into pharmaceutical and biotechnology companies, contract research organizations, and others. The pharmaceutical and biotechnological companies dominated the market and accounted for the largest share in 2017, due to various factors, such as contamination prevention in the production of feed and maintenance of the aseptic conditions in the manufacturing facility. In addition, the presence of strict regulatory policies for drug approvals and quality control in the production facilities are other factors driving the pharmaceutical and biotechnology companies segment. The contract research organization segment is likely to grow at the highest CAGR during the forecast time period.
Europe dominated the fill finish manufacturing market with over 40% market share in 2017. This region’s growth was accounted to the emergence of the biosimilar market and patent expiry of key biologic products. Moreover, faster adoption of advanced technologies and the presence of a large number of well-established biopharmaceutical companies in the region have spurred the demand for the fill finish manufacturing in this region.
*Request for Discount:* https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/requestdiscount/fill-finish-manufacturing-market
North America was the second largest market. The U.S. and Canada were the leading countries and maximum revenue generators in 2017. This region’s growth was primarily accounted to the increased demand for fill finish for drug manufacturing, drug development, and biologicals’ production. In addition, the presence of key market players and large capital investments in R&D are expected to drive the North American fill finish manufacturing market.
Asia Pacific is likely to witness the fastest growth in the upcoming years. India and China are dominating the Asia Pacific fill finish manufacturing market. This region is an emerging market with great opportunities for growth. It is predicted to become a destination for corporate investors in the biopharmaceutical industry in the forecast time period. Contract drug manufacturing services, clinical outsourcing, and rapidly growing pharmaceutical industry are driving the fill finish manufacturing market in this region. Latin America and the Middle East and Africa are the emerging markets estimated to witness steady growth during the forecast time period. Growing healthcare industry in Brazil is projected to fuel the Latin American market for fill finish manufacturing.
Browse the full *"Fill Finish Manufacturing Market by Product (Consumables (Vial, Prefilled Syringes, Cartridge, and Others) and Instruments) and by End-User (Pharmaceutical & Biotechnology Companies, Contract Research Organizations, Academic Research Institutes, and Medical Device Companies): Global Industry Perspective, Comprehensive Analysis, and Forecast, 2018–2024" *report at https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/report/fill-finish-manufacturing-market
Some key players of the global fill finish manufacturing market include Becton, Dickinson and Company, West Pharmaceutical Services, Inc., Gerresheimer AG, Robert Bosch GmbH, IMA, OPTIMA, and Nipro Medical Corporation.
*Inquire more about this report before purchase @ *https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/inquiry/fill-finish-manufacturing-market
*This report segments the global Fill Finish Manufacturing market as follows:*
*Global Fill Finish Manufacturing Market: Product Segment Analysis*
· Prefilled Syringes
*Global Fill Finish Manufacturing Market: End-User Segment Analysis*
· Pharmaceutical & Biotechnology Companies
· Contract Research Organizations
*Global Fill Finish Manufacturing Market: Regional Segment Analysis*
· North America
· The U.S.
· Asia Pacific
· Latin America
· The Middle East and Africa
· *Cancer Biomarkers Market:* https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/report/cancer-biomarkers-market
· *CRISPR Genome Editing Market:* https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/report/crispr-genome-editing-market
· *Cell Expansion Market:* https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/report/cell-expansion-market
· *Biological Safety Cabinets Market: *https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/report/biological-safety-cabinets-market
· *Organ preservation Market:* https://www.zionmarketresearch.com/report/organ-preservation-market
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* Blog:* http://zmrblog.com Reported by GlobeNewswire 27 minutes ago.
By Peter Maushagen BRUSSELS (Reuters) - European Union governments that refuse to host refugees could instead pay to be excused from the bloc's system of sharing out migrants, France and Germany proposed on Thursday as they sought to end a long-running EU feud over migration. The move reflects impatience with progress on reforming EU asylum rules ahead of EU parliament elections in May, diplomats said. It aims to narrow gaps between states in central Europe who fear such changes could encourage more migrants, and those such as Italy, where many asylum-seekers reach Europe and which, under current rules, are responsible for accommodating them.
Reported by Firstpost 25 minutes ago.
Stronger clean car standards and electric vehicle (EV) incentives will help Europe’s automakers remain competitive in the rapidly electrifying global market, writes Ashok Jhunjhunwala.
Reported by EurActiv 18 minutes ago.
The frontrunners are Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, a Merkel protege seen as the continuity candidate, and Friedrich Merz, a Merkel rival who has questioned the constitutional guarantee of asylum to all “politically persecuted” and believes Germany, Europe’s biggest economy, should contribute more to the European Union.
Reported by IndiaTimes 16 minutes ago.
Ajax coach Erik ten Hag refused to be drawn on the future of star midfielder Frenkie de Jong after the 21-year-old was linked with a move to Paris Saint-Germain. De Jong is the latest Ajax youth product to garner attention from across Europe after impressing since making his first-team debut in 2016. Manchester City, Barcelona […]
The post De Jong focused on Ajax despite PSG rumours – Ten Hag appeared first on Soccer News. Reported by SoccerNews.com 14 hours ago.
A debate started on US-based online discussion forum Reddit after one user posed the question: 'Americans who have visited Europe, what surprised you during your stay?'
Reported by MailOnline 15 hours ago.
Germany's Christian Democrats elected Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer on Friday to replace Angela Merkel as party leader, a decision that moves her into pole position to succeed Europe's most influential leader as chancellor.
Reported by Reuters 13 hours ago.
The firm's technical chief says will continue to develop combustion-engined cars - but will focus on EVs in Europe
Volkswagen's technical boss Franck Welsch says the firm will continue to produce new vehicles powered by internal combustion engines beyond 2026, despite an earlier claim they would be phased out by then. However, Welsch did hint that the firm would focus purely on electric cars in Europe past that date.
Speaking at the Handelsblatt automotive summit in Wolfsburg earlier this week, firm's head of strategy Michael Jost said that engineers “are working on the last platform for vehicles that aren’t CO2-neutral”.
“We’re gradually fading out combustion engines to the absolute minimum,” he said. “In the year 2026, the last product based on a combustion platform will be started.”
However Frank Welsch, VW's development chief, has moved to clarify those comments, saying that: "It is not correct to say we will stop developing internal combustion engines from 2026.
Welsch added: "What I think has happened is that people were talking about the 2040 date widely talked about for stopping selling ICE cars in Europe and then worked backwards in a logical way. But Europe is not the only market, other regions have their own regulations and requirements, and I can see us developing more and more efficient ICE cars long beyond the quoted 2026 date.”
Asked if development times between engine generations might extend as VW built up its portfolio of electric cars, Welsch added: “I don’t see how that will be possible, because we will be required to improve by legislation and our competitors are not going to stand still.”
While Europe and certain markets such as China are introducing legislation that force development to move towards electric cars, lower-cost petrol and diesel engines are likely to remain in demand in developing countries where the infrastructure doesn't exist for charging electric vehicles.
Volkswagen has pursued a radical shift to electrification in the last couple of years, as it attempts to enter a new era post-Dieselgate. It's also under the same pressure as the broader car industry to hit tough emissions targets to combat climate change.
Last year, the Volkswagen Group, which also includes Audi, Porsche, Seat and Skoda, said it would invest £30 billion in electrification, autonomy and technology by 2022.
Volkswagen’s ID range of electric vehicles includes the hatchback, Crozz SUV and Buzz Cargo van. All will be built on the Group's new MEB EV platform. The first production ID car, the hatchback, will go on sale in early 2020.
*Volkswagen ID Buzz Cargo van makes its motor show debut at LA *
*Volkswagen ID hatch to stay true to concept, says design boss*
*Volkswagen greenlights sub-£18,000 electric people’s car * Reported by Autocar 14 hours ago.
Labour leader praises Portuguese left-wing parties for ending austerity and winning electoral success
Reported by Independent 12 hours ago.
British opposition Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn urged Europe's Socialists on Friday to challenge the political establishment and team up with like-minded leftists to check the rise of "fake" right-wing populists.
Reported by Reuters 11 hours ago.
Europe is hot right now, it's fair to say. Especially when you add together events unfolding in France, Italy and in the UK next week with the critical Brexit vote.
Reported by MailOnline 9 hours ago.